File:Bourdieu Pierre Photography A Middle-brow (file size: MB, MIME. PHOTOGRAPHY: A MIDDLE-BROW ART accompany most art historical studies of photography. be Bourdieu’s intention in this work to question the very . But Bourdieu and his associates show that few cultural activities are more structured and systematic than the social uses of this ordinary art. This perceptive and.

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Look at these “automatics” they have now, with one of those a good photo- grapher could never do the things he could with an “adjustable” one. R JQ txj; P. You have to take them, it’s more polite, isn’t it?

Photography: A Middle-Brow Art | Pierre Bourdieu and associates Translated by Shaun Whiteside

Photographic practice as an index and an instrument of integra. If one of them, exceptionally, dared to use a camera at weddings, he’d be laughed at. The Cult of Unity and Cultivated Differences. What he found was that it was much more likely that you would take photographs if you were a clerk than if you were a senior executive. photorgaphy

Books by Pierre Bourdieu. It is an attack on the principle which dominates all of social existence and has nothing to do with 48 Parti.

An interesting question he raises is the lack of anarchy of improvisation in photographic practice that one would expect from such an innovative tool. Inheriting a tradition of poHtical philosophy and social action, must sociology abandon the anthropological project to other sciences and, taking as its exclusive object the study of the most general and abstract conditions of experience and action, can it reject as meaningless types of behaviour whose historical import- ance is not immediately apparent?

For some social groups, photography is primarily a means of preserving the present and reproducing the euphoric moments of collective celebration, whereas for other groups it is the occasion of an aesthetic judgement, in which photos are endowed with the dignity of works of art. She works out how the couples came about; she analyzes and compares the sphere of social connections of each of the two families; she remarks on absences, which indicate quarrels, and on presences, which do the family an honour.

But insofar as it provides at least a description of the meanings and values which photographers believe that they secrete in their activity, this psychology which, while promising an exploration of the depths, leads no further than the surface of things, is less unsettling than the psychology which, anxious to fulfil its brief, dives into the Freudian abysses of voyeurism, narcissism and exhibitionism.


Each group bears within it a representation of the necessary quality of the practice which dictates the choice of camera and the extent of the equipment.

In the case of the wedding, the picture that captures for eternity the group that has been brought together, or rather the bringing together of two groups, is necessarily implied within a ritual whose function is to consecrate, that is, to sanction and to sanctify the union of two groups effected through the union of two individuals. Once again, this reveals the fact that the meaning and the role of photography are a function of the social meaning of the feast: From the moment that participation in a party presupposes this complicity, which can only come from participation in the family group, the outsider can only be an unwanted guest.

The different social classes encourage the practice of photogra- phy to different degrees. Especially typical is the photograph in which one can just make out P.

The real issue is clearly that of unquestioned and unconditional attachment to the system of the arbitrary rules that define the behaviour of the true peasant.

Scientific studies give reasons for taking photographs such as memory preservation, social prestige etc. The expectation of the profession and the expectations of the professionals The diversity of photographers’ attitudes to their activity actual- ly masks the diversity of objective conditions within the profes- sion, which itself derives from the persistence of differences related to social origin.

Boudieu and try again. This makes a huge difference.

Photography: A Middle-Brow Art

First communion photographs do not make their appear- ance until aroundand photographs of baptisms are even more recent and more rare. The originality of the attitude of junior executives is more easily assessed once we know that the practice of photography is less common among senior executives, although they have a higher income and their life-style provides them with a large number and variety of opportunities for taking photographs.

This ‘vulgate’, a discourse half-way between everyday talk and scientific statement, fulfils its function perfectly: Thanks for telling us about the problem.

And anyway, as far as pictures are concerned, there are zrt who do it for a living and that’ what they’re there for, midele least for big occasions. It’s a different thing, isn’t it!

They say it’s expensive. In the process, he tried to reconcile the influences of both external social structures and subjective experience on the individual see structure and agency.

This book comes from research Bourdieu did in France on who actually takes photographs and what do they take photographs of.

One hundred and fifty people wandering about with no means of communication [. Even when they do not pyotography the specific logic of pnotography autonomous aesthetic, aesthetic judgements and behaviour are organized in a way that is no less systematic but which starts out from a completely different principle, since the aesthetic is only one aspect of the system of implicit values, the ethos, associated with mem- bership of a class.


In other words, the logic of the reciprocal solemnization of people and scenery tends to turn the photograph into an ideogram which eliminates from the environment all circumstantial and temporal aspects, such as people moving, in short, everything that constitutes life. While there is no doubt that the fulfilment of the traditional functions of photography is impressed upon all subjects indepen- dent of their economic and social situation in a direct proportion to their integration within the family, it is still true that the value conferred on photographic practice depends on the implicit value- system of the group which defines the ways and means appropriate to the execution of those functions.

Thus it is via the family group that the primary function of photography becomes the responsibility of the photographer, who is asked to solemnize important events and to record the family chronicle in pictures: The Cult of Unity and Cultivated Differences 19 Photographic practice as an index and an instrument OF integration In order completely to establish the inadequacy of a strictly psychological explanation of photographic practice and its diffu- sion, one must first demonstrate that the sociological explanation can completely account for this practice, and more precisely, account for its instruments, its chosen objects, its rhythms, its occasions, its implicit aesthetic and even its subjects’ experience of it, the meanings that they secrete in it and the psychological satisfactions that they derive from it.

The tourist or outsider can cause astonishment by photographing everyday objects or local people at their habitual occupations. Coming from a ‘petite maison’, B. The legibility of the picture itself is a function of the legibility of its intention.

Photography: A Middle-Brow Art by Pierre Bourdieu

The pursuit of differences in status which can be seen at all levels of the social hierarchy only serves to intensify class differences. The large communal room, the kitchen, has an impersonal decoration that is the same in all cases, with a calendar from the Post Office or the Fire Brigade and postcards brought back from a journey to Lourdes or bought in Pau. Gregory Simoes rated it really liked it Jul 17,